By Rudy Barnes, Jr.
Can
the church survive in America’s dysfunctional democracy, even if it survives
the Trump era? Religious charlatans have
stoked fear and anger to make distorted doctrines of Christianity the new opium of the public. If the church hopes to reclaim its legitimacy
and save American democracy from the decadence of human depravity, it must promote
a new Moral Majority based on altruism
and reason to supplant the corrupt politics of the old Moral Majority.
More
than 70% of Americans consider themselves Christians, but they are divided in their
religion and politics. Most white
Christians in mainline denominations avoid mixing their religion and politics
in church, but vote Republican. White evangelical
Christians have no such qualms and actively support Republicans, while black
Christians actively support Democrats.
The
racial divide in partisan politics is evident in gerrymandered political
districts and in the racial segregation of most churches. There are explanations for racial segregation
in the church and politics, but they do not justify the racialism that has polarized
our democracy. The church must oppose
all forms of racial segregation if it hopes to reclaim its legitimacy.
Pastors
are church leaders, much as politicians are political leaders. Both shape the standards of legitimacy in
their overlapping domains of religion and politics, and both depend upon public
support. Moral standards are the province
of pastors, and politicians make the law; and both are constrained to follow
the moral standards of their constituents, or lose their jobs.
The
morality of Republicans is in the distorted “family values” of evangelical Values Voters. As successors to Jerry Falwell’s old Moral Majority,
Republicans proclaim abortion and homosexuality to be sinful, although Jesus
never mentioned either as such. Democrats
are more utilitarian; they measure political morality by support of the
identity politics of their constituents.
A
major challenge for both pastors and politicians in democracy is balancing
individual rights with promoting the common good. Evangelical Republicans advocate religious
freedom that allows them to discriminate against same sex couples who they
consider sinners. Democrats use a reverse
rationale to promote social welfare programs at the expense of individual
rights.
Theological
issues complicate this political balancing act.
While the Bible emphasizes promoting the common good and helping the
poor and needy, it does not mention democracy or individual rights since they
were irrelevant in those ancient times. Evangelical
Christians preach “obedience to the Bible as the ultimate authority, belief in
the sacrifice of Jesus as the source of salvation, the need to be “born again,’
and work to spread their [exclusivist evangelical] gospel.”
Discipleship
should be a priority for pastors. Jesus taught
his disciples to follow him, not to worship him, but most pastors reverse those
priorities since the cost of discipleship can be high, and few Christians are
willing to pay the price. It’s
understandable that most pastors avoid promoting discipleship, just as
politicians avoid promoting taxes. Jesus
would never have been a pastor or a politician, but pastors need to be more
like Jesus for the church to survive democracy.
I
know. Been there, done that; and I’ve
talked to other pastors who have confirmed my experience. Most Protestant pastors are primarily
concerned with the wellbeing of their congregations and don’t want to upset
them with contentious political issues. But
Jesus had no qualms about bringing contentious issues into holy places. He once upset religious leaders by overturning
tables in the Temple, and he was crucified for his disruptive efforts.
The
only way that the church can survive in America’s contentious democracy is if
its pastors restore the priority of the teachings of Jesus over exclusivist mystical
beliefs that ignore immoral politics. If
pastors promote the stewardship of democracy based on the greatest commandment to love God and to love our neighbors—including
those of other races and religions—as we love ourselves, then the church and democracy
might survive the 21st century.
Notes:
Charles Mathewes has asserted
that White Christianity is in big trouble,
and that it’s its own biggest threat. He notes that Christians have allowed
fear to overcome their faith, even after Jesus emphasized that they should fear not, and that there is no fear in God’s love.
See https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/posteverything/wp/2017/12/19/white-christianity-is-in-big-trouble-and-its-its-own-biggest-threat/?utm_term=.46c2e360c0fa.
Neal Gabler thinks that “the real
lesson of the 2016 elections lies not in politics but religion.” He states that “True religion begins in doubt
and continues in spiritual exploration.
Debased religion begins in fear and terminates in certainty.” Gabler goes on to say, “Just as I don’t think
politics is the real engine for the Trump movement, I don’t think that politics
is entirely the solution. Religion,
which in its corrupted form is an engine, may be—by which I mean the moral and
spiritual underpinnings of life. Rather
than abandon our values or downplay them, as some suggest, I think we should
double down on them.” See http://billmoyers.com/story/what-happened-america/#.WjVh6qNv-hN.facebook.
Samuel Kimbriel has noted that Christianity is political. But America’s politically active Christians
seem to be forgetting that. He
pointed out the shifting priorities of politics and inner virtues in Christianity,
and how worldly power has once again subsumed virtue. See https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/posteverything/wp/2017/11/21/christianity-is-political-but-americas-politically-active-christians-seem-to-be-forgetting-that/?tid=a_inl&utm_term=.de8387cc1374.
Sarah Pulliam Bailey has noted
that after Trump and Moore, some
evangelicals are finding their own label too toxic to use. Bailey cites the historian David Bebbington
for a four-part definition of evangelical faith as “1. Obedience to the Bible
as theultimate authority, 2. Belief in the sacrifice of Jesus on the cross as
the source of salvation, 3. The necessity of a ‘born again’ conversion
experience, and 4. Work to spread the [evangelical version of ] the
Gospel.” Bailey notes “that definition
has helped distinguish many evangelical churches from more theologically
liberal mainline Protestant churches, as well as from stricter fundamentalist
churches.” See https://www.washingtonpost.com/local/social-issues/after-trump-and-moore-some-evangelicals-are-finding-their-own-label-too-toxic-to-use/2017/12/14/b034034c-e020-11e7-89e8-edec16379010_story.html?undefined=&wpisrc=nl_headlines&wpmm=1.
Using the term, Fox Evangelicals to describe evangelical
Christians who support Donald Trump, Amy Sullivan questioned how Christian
voters could support Donald Trump, “who luxuriates in divisive rhetoric and
manages only the barest veneer of religiosity.”
Sullivan found that “Fox evangelicals don’t back Mr. Trump despite their
beliefs, but because of them.” Sullivan
cited a recent survey that indicated “that while one quarter of Americans consider
themselves to be “evangelical,” less than half of that group actually holds
traditional evangelical beliefs. For
others, ‘evangelical’ effectively functions as a cultural label, unmoored from
theological meaning.” See https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/15/opinion/sunday/war-christmas-evangelicals.html.
Sarah Pulliam Bailey has
described a spiritual battle among white evangelicals, citing a recent poll in
which 55% of evangelical Christians said they were more likely to support a
candidate who voted the way they want than one who lived a moral life
(36%). Bailey then cited Collin Hansen,
editorial director of the Gospel Coalition: “Political partisanship and
a disdain for outsiders have become unifying driving factors for white
evangelicals instead of the gospel of Jesus Christ. …Recent political changes have exposed the
moral and theological rot in the evangelical church. There will not be a coherent evangelical
movement to emerge from this political season.”
See https://www.washingtonpost.com/news/acts-of-faith/wp/2017/12/13/a-spiritual-battle-how-roy-moores-failed-campaign-tested-evangelicals/?wpisrc=nl_evening&wpmm=1.
Peter Wehner has described his
estrangement from the radical right evangelical movement and the Republican
Party in Why I Can No Longer Call Myself
an Evangelical Republican at https://www.nytimes.com/2017/12/09/opinion/sunday/wehner-evangelical-republicans.html.
In asking Can evangelicalism survive Donald Trump and Roy Moore? Timothy
Keller has elaborated on Peter Wehner’s lament, described the history of
evangelicalism, and concluded that it is too diverse to be defined by the
radical right supporters of Donald Trump. See https://www.newyorker.com/news/news-desk/can-evangelicalism-survive-donald-trump-and-roy-moore.
Citing the divisive political
controversies surrounding Roy Moore, Jerusalem and LGBT rights, Daniel Burke,
the Religion Editor for CNN, has asked, Why
is Religion so Divisive? See http://www.cnn.com/2017/12/08/us/religion-divisive/index.html.
Jim Wallis is a progressive
Christian who has long advocated altruistic Christian morality in politics in
contrast to the distorted doctrines of radical right evangelicals. On Republican tax reform, see Great Injustice Calls for Great Action
at https://sojo.net/articles/great-injustice-calls-great-action. On Religion
and Power Were Intertwined. Then Jesus Challenged It All, see https://sojo.net/articles/religion-and-power-were-intertwined-then-jesus-challenged-it-all.
Robin Meyers has described how
the church can survive in democracy in Saving Jesus from the Church: How to
Stop Worshipping Christ and Start Following Jesus (Harper One, 2009).
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